Agricultural Decision Making. Anthropological Contributions by Peggy F. Barlett

By Peggy F. Barlett

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As our knowledge of human needs goes, we have a rather good body of reliable knowledge on diet and nutrition. For the model, recommendations made by respected international panels of nutritionists were followed (FAO 1970, 1973; Ν AS 1974). Yet these recommendations are open to many criticisms. For example: (a) The minimum requirements are set high enough that persons with very unusual needs for particular nutrients can be satisfied. The National Academy of Sciences notes that its estimate of calcium requirements could probably be halved without serious health consequences.

Reduction of the original problem to a small subset of attributes permitted by the formal problem-solving routine. 2. Assumptions about the data needed to fill the gaps between our imperfect knowledge of the real world and the perfect knowledge demanded by the routine. Actually, these are simply successive stages in moving the problem from an intuitive to an objective form. Reduction of the problem is necessary because any formal problemsolving routine is highly restricted in the kinds of information it can use.

J. Honigmann, ed. pp. 3 6 9 - 4 4 6 . Chicago: Rand McNally. Chapter 3 A Theory of Real-Life Choice: Applications to Agricultural Decisions CHRISTINA H. GLADWIN Introduction Reviews of the recent literature on agricultural decision making show that there is no scarcity of theories about how farmers make these decisions (Anderson 1979; Anderson, Dillon, and Hardaker 1977; Dillon 1971; Roumasset et al. 1979). Indeed, the topic of farmers' riskaversiveness is quite fashionable (Anderson 1974; Boussard and Petit 1967; Cancian 1972; Dillon and Scandizzo 1978; Johnson 1976; Moscardi 1979; Moscardi and dejanvry 1977; Ortiz 1979; Roumasset 1976).

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