Clauses Without 'That': The Case for Bare Sentential by Cathal Doherty

By Cathal Doherty

First released in 2000. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa corporation.

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21 (61)a. b. [CP Who, [ c - 0 [ip r, left ]]]? the man [cp who i [c- 0 [ ti left ]]] These complementizers cannot be properly governed under the definitions of Rizzi 1990. In the case of matrix interrogatives, there is no potential proper governor for the complementizer at all. In the case of relative clauses, there is also no proper governor for CO, as relative clauses are barriers to government from without, being non-a-marked, non-L-marked adjuncts. 22 One possible line of analysis is to assume that null complementizers in complement clauses are derived through a syntactic deletion process, the output of which is subject to the ECP (or visible at PF in Hornstein and Lightfoot's terms).

Argument Clauses (12)a. 15 *1 think [IP this book [IP you should read. ]] b. *He said [IP beer hp he likes but whiskey he hates. ]] c. *He says [IP Cinque [IP he'd read but Rizzi he hadn't. ]] Therefore, I conclude that there is positive evidence in favor of the IPhypothesis. Unlike the CP-hypothesis, it provides the basis for an explanation of the failure of embedded Topicalization in that-less complements. 2. Adverbial Adjunction In the general case, adverbial adjunction follows the same pattern as Topicalization: sentential adverbs must appear to the right of the complementizer, presumably adjoined to the IP-Ievel.

Clauses without that 36 (75)a. It was objected that John was unqualified. b. *It was objected DP. c. *That John was unqualified was objected [oP t]. If moved sentences obligatorily leave nominal (DP) traces, then raising the clausal argument to subject position necessarily leads to a violation of the selectional requirements of these verbs. Note that verbs like expect take both nominal and clausal complements and permit their argument clause to externalize under passive, as illustrated below. (76)a.

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