By Leo Panitch, Colin Leys
2d Revised version version (24 April 2001)
"A wealthy and immensely stress-free narrative, packed with aspect in regards to the trajectory taken by means of Labour during the last quarter-century." -- occasions Literary Supplement
"Leo Panitch and Colin Leys have written a booklet whose value extends a long way past the categorical case of the British Labour Party." - serious Sociology
"... an excellent refutation of recent Labour's heritage. With a powerful variety of facts, cautious research and a theoretical framework, [Panitch and Leys] have produced a hugely readable and devoted booklet ... urged for everybody who rather desires to comprehend the politics and up to date historical past of the Labour Party." - modern Politics
This trenchant account of the final twenty-five years of the British Labour social gathering argues that Tony Blair's modernizing tendency used to be profoundly wrong in saying that the single replacement to conventional social democracy and slender parliamentarianism used to be an reputation of neo-liberalism. In blaming the Labour left, instead of the social-democratic correct for the party's years within the electoral wasteland, the modernizers rejected the creativity and effort which the party's New Left had mobilized, and with out which their very own professed target of democratic renewal was once not likely to be learned.
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Extra resources for The End of Parliamentary Socialism: From New Left to New Labour
It was a mark of their political desperation - and one of the deepest roots of their growing preoccupation with the accountability of trade union-sponsored MPs who supported the Government's policies. 26 Yet, while the unions' renewed concern with the behaviour of these MPs was a portent, it was never at the forefront of their approach to resolving their difficulties with the party leadership. Even during the controversy 24 ORIGINS OF THE PARTY C RISI S over the government's 'In Place of Strife' proposals in 1969 for legislation to curb unofficial strikes, the union leadership were concerned to contain the conflict and not raise broader issues regarding the leadership and the independence of the parliamentary party.
Many of these activists came to see Labour's new 'young turks' elected to local cou ncils in 1970-71 as part of the 'management team' of the local state, but as the conflict inside the party heated up through the 1970s, many more joined the battle to change this. There was thus a very important change through the 1970s on the part of the ' 1968 generation' in their attitude to working within the Labour Party and the broader labour movement. O ne activist in the Notting Hill Summer Project of 1967, which is often portrayed as the ' birthplace' of British community action, had clearly stated their initial position: 'To the Labour Party people were ticks on a canvass register - here they were to be central to the solution to their own problem.
This is not to say that the unions were not concerned with the substance of policy, although public ownership was nowhere near the top of their list of concerns. From 1968 onwards the TUC had begun to produce its own comprehensive annual Economic Review, in which it set out the rationale of a Keynesian reflatio nary policy and insisted that government economic planning must extend to external trade and financial flows and must embody detailed forecasts and specific requirements for the investment decisions of large firms.