The widening gap : Health inequalities and policy in Britain by Mary Shaw;Daniel Dorling;David Gordon;George Davey-Smith

By Mary Shaw;Daniel Dorling;David Gordon;George Davey-Smith

The healthiness hole maintains to get wider. this article offers updated facts at the measurement of the healthiness hole among assorted teams of individuals residing in Britain, and the level to which the space is widening. It demanding situations no matter if the govt is worried sufficient approximately lowering inequalities and highlights the residing stipulations of the million humans residing within the parts of worst well-being in Britain. It provides reasons for the widening future health hole, and addresses the results of this significant social limitation.

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The widening gap : Health inequalities and policy in Britain (Studies in Poverty, Inequality & Social Exclusion)

The healthiness hole maintains to get wider. this article provides updated proof at the measurement of the health and wellbeing hole among assorted teams of individuals dwelling in Britain, and the level to which the distance is widening. It demanding situations no matter if the govt. is worried sufficient approximately lowering inequalities and highlights the residing stipulations of the million humans dwelling within the components of worst well-being in Britain.

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Additional resources for The widening gap : Health inequalities and policy in Britain (Studies in Poverty, Inequality & Social Exclusion)

Sample text

9 34 The health gap Knowing that there are social class differences in mortality, and that the distribution of social classes is not geographically even, there being more people working in social class I and II occupations in the ‘best health’ areas and more people in social classes IV and V in the ‘worst health’ areas, does this social class distribution account for the geographical distribution in mortality? We can answer this question by using the Sample of Anonymised Records (SARs) from the Census and the LS (see Appendix C for more details).

The HEFCE divides Britain into four groups for the purpose of monitoring participation in higher education (HEFCE, 1997). The poorest group is made up of households living in small areas where the median household income is estimated to be below £13,300 per year. Almost three quarters of people in the ‘worst health’ areas belong to this group, over 12 times the proportion in the ‘best health’ areas. The richest group, living in small areas where median earnings are greater than £18,000 per year make up only 5% of the population of the ‘worst health’ areas, almost 10 times fewer than in the ‘best health’ areas.

Two thirds of adults living in the ‘best health’ constituencies in the country live in wards in the highest quartile of incomes, whereas 70% of adults living in the ‘worst health’ constituencies live in wards which contain the quarter of the population with the lowest average ward incomes. However, it should be noted that a much lower proportion of people are working in the ‘worst health’ areas, and hence these ‘average incomes’ are somewhat misleading. If we consider the poorest and richest 10% of wards in Britain by average adult incomes we see that the differences in terms of income distribution between these areas are even more extreme.

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